Mujib Memorial or Manipulated Messaging?
On August 15, social media platforms, including Facebook, were flooded with tributes to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, widely known as Bangabandhu and the Father of the Nation of Bangladesh. However, behind these messages of reverence lay a "calculated conspiracy," according to investigative journalist Zulkarnain Saer Khan Sami of Al Jazeera.
Citing intelligence sources, Sami revealed the details on August 17 (Sunday) through his verified Facebook account.
Zulkarnain Saer wrote: “If you see cultural personalities paying tribute to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15 at face value, you may think it was for his contribution to the liberation struggle of 1971. But behind the scenes, a terrible conspiracy was unfolding. The entire effort was a well-coordinated campaign. Yes, some paid genuine respects. But in most cases, those who posted were long-term allies of the Awami League, some incentivized by money, others influenced by the advertising mafia aligned with the Awami League. Among them were teachers, so-called intellectuals, and opportunists from different professions who benefited during the last 16 years of Awami League rule. They showed extra zeal because they want the continuation of their corruption, undue privileges, and moral immunity if the Awami League returns.”
According to Saer, the narrative-building campaign sought to glorify Mujib in isolation. “The idea was to highlight Mujib’s role in 1971 while deliberately avoiding mention of the atrocities committed under his name during the last sixteen years of Awami League rule. The AL covered its crimes under Mujib’s image and name, leaving no disclaimer such as, ‘We love Sheikh Mujib but do not support AL’s killings of the past 16 years.’ Every post glorified Mujib’s contribution to independence but consciously ignored the horrors of his rule from 1972 to 1975.”
He added: “His (Mujib’s) regime pushed the dream of liberation into the darkness of authoritarianism. The creation of the Rakkhi Bahini was the most terrifying aspect, as they kidnapped, tortured, and killed tens of thousands, spreading fear nationwide. Through this force, Mujib directly killed around 40,000 people, many of them freedom fighters. Political opposition, dissenters, and ordinary citizens were brutally suppressed. Then came the famine of 1974, a stark reflection of the government’s gross incompetence and inhuman neglect, in which international researchers note 1.5 million people died. While people perished, Mujib’s government focused on consolidating power, suppressing dissent, and looting resources. Corruption, inefficiency, and repression defined his rule, turning the dream of Golden Bengal into a nightmare of hunger, poverty, and death.”
“Popular anger in 1975 did not emerge overnight—it was the culmination of Mujib’s failures, his Rakkhi Bahini’s killings, and famine deaths. Curiously, none of these were mentioned in the mourning posts. And importantly, most of Mujib’s assassins were freedom fighters who fought in 1971. I personally condemn the killings; such heinous acts cannot be justified.”
“But it cannot be denied that the suppression by the Rakkhi Bahini, the famine of 1974, and Mujib’s one-party authoritarianism frustrated many freedom fighters. Among the chief assassins were Syed Faruq Rahman, Khandaker Abdur Rashid, Mohiuddin Ahmed, Bazlul Huda, A.K.M. Mohiuddin Ahmed, Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Shariful Haque Dalim, and Noor Chowdhury. Most were freedom fighters, some even decorated for valor in the war. They claimed their actions were to save the nation, though history still debates whether it was patriotism or personal ambition.”
Detailing how the campaign was executed, Zulkarnain Saer Khan wrote: “Now let’s come to how the Awami League conducted this successful campaign. According to initial intelligence, on August 14, senior AL leaders met a group of influential figures, including a YouTuber who had earlier been coerced into promoting the AL during the July movement. Later, a Hasina confidant based in the US—well known in journalistic and entertainment circles—designed and oversaw the campaign. The key tactic was to get celebrities not publicly identified with the AL to post tributes, thereby confusing ordinary people and pressuring other celebrities to follow suit.”
“From the very first hours of August 15, AL-linked stars like Tarin, Tomalika, Saju Khadem, Aruna Biswas, and Shamima Tusty posted, creating an initial wave. Then, a post from a leading Bangladeshi film actor was used as ‘central validation.’ Allegedly, the actor did not willingly post it but was heavily influenced. This actor, too, is close to that leader, and both are now in the US. The YouTuber activated grassroots networks, while strategic direction came from abroad. It was all a planned psychological operation.”
Sami argued that the fallen Awami League’s new mission is now to glorify these celebrities. “It started with Zahir Alvi, an F-grade actor known for sexually suggestive YouTube dramas, who posted just before August 15 saying anyone against the Liberation War should unfriend him. He also posted mourning messages on August 15. Shortly after, Prothom Alo ran a big feature on him. There was no reason to glorify such a figure; this was his reward. The entertainment reporter at Prothom Alo who wrote the feature is connected to the Hasina confidant and also manages the social media of that leading actor. His wife, a singer, also posted tributes. Even Kaler Kantho has since covered him. This glorification will continue, and all of it is coordinated.”
He noted the involvement of an “advertising mafia figure” educated in India’s Delhi University and Jawaharlal Nehru University. “The government must investigate deeply, but no one should be harassed unjustly. An objective probe is needed to determine whether this is the first step toward rehabilitating the July massacre perpetrators. Mujib is being used as the cover, while gradually more celebrities will post in open support of the AL. Already a C-grade celebrity named Imtu Ratish has dared to post in praise of the AL. Since there is no Aynaghar now and the Yunus government is not engaging in extrajudicial acts, they feel emboldened.”
He warned: “Each mourning post and narrative in favor of the fallen mass murderers is instantly boosted with thousands of likes, comments, and shares. Many of these engagements come from exiled activists. Some individuals even shared over 100 posts a day. This is psychological warfare, modeled after Chinese strategist Sun Tzu’s doctrine: war is not only physical but also psychological—confusing the opponent and influencing public perception. In the digital age, propaganda, misinformation, and manufactured fear are AL’s key weapons.”
“Despite numerous shortcomings of the interim government, by all indicators, Bangladesh is ten times better off than under the AL. Yet propaganda pressures people into believing ‘we were better off before’ or that ‘only the AL was good.’ Meanwhile, NCP and Jamaat supporters mainly criticize the BNP, echoing AL narratives instead of exposing 16 years of AL misrule. Student fronts, too, recycle the same narratives. Ironically, after Hasina’s fall, the so-called ‘masterminds’ of the opposition simply chant ‘Down with Mujibism,’ which only annoys the public.”
“These divisions obscure AL’s dictatorship, vote rigging, and repression over the last 16 years. Fraudulent elections and state brutality—including the July massacre—are no longer central to the discourse,” Sami observed.
Concluding, he warned the nation: “So, the students, the public university youth, and ordinary citizens who resisted in July—you must recognize that your stakes are high. You must rise against this propaganda. The AL is not in the field now and may not return soon. But if, before apologizing and facing justice, they somehow return, Bangladesh will lose its sovereignty. Security forces will never recover. The army will be crippled, and new death squads will once again unleash carnage. Therefore, patriots must remain united, vigilant, and sworn to resist conspiracy, to stop the July massacre perpetrators.”
